Angaben zur Quelle [Bearbeiten]
| Autor | Diana K. Ivy / Phil Backlund |
| Titel | Genderspeak: Personal Effectiveness in Gender Communication |
| Ort | Boston, Mass. |
| Verlag | McGraw-Hill |
| Ausgabe | 3rd ed. |
| Jahr | 2004 |
| Anmerkung | Paperback 2004 |
| ISBN | 0-07-248393-8 |
Literaturverz. |
yes |
| Fußnoten | yes |
| Fragmente | 34 |
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| An extensive research on perceptions of female and male managers show that female leaders were rated higher on people-oriented leadership skills while male leaders were rated higher on business-oriented leadership skills (Kabacoff, 1998). Overall, bosses rated male and female managers equal in effectiveness; however, colleagues rated women slightly higher than men. In particular, the following points surfaced from this research: 1) Male managers were perceived as having more of a vision of strategic planning and organization, having a greater sense of tradition (building on knowledge gained from experience), being innovative and willing to take risks, and being more restrained and professional in terms of emotional expression. They were also seen as better delegates, more cooperative, and more persuasive than female managers. 2) Female managers were perceived as being more empathic, being more energetic and enthusiastic, being better communicators (e.g., keeping people informed, providing feedback), and possessing more “people skills” (e.g., sensitivity to others, likeability, listening ability, development of relationships with peers and superiors) than their male counterparts. However, they were not perceived as being more outgoing or extroverted, or more cooperative as leaders (Kabacoff, 1998).
Researchers have found readily detectable gender differences in the communication styles of leaders (Hegelsen [sic], 1990, 1995; Sloan & Krone, 2000). In [general, a feminine management style involves supportive, facilitative leadership that tends to be effective in participatory, democratic work settings.] Hegelsen [sic], S. (1990). The female advantage: Women’s ways of leadership. New York: Doubleday. Kabacoff, R.I. (1998). Gender difference in organizational leadership: A large sample study. Paper presented at the meeting of the American Psychological Association, San Francisco, CA. Sloan, D.K., & Krone, K.J. (2000). Women managers and gendered values. Women’s Studies in Communication, 23, 111-130. |
An extensive study of perceptions of female and male managers found that female leaders were rated higher on people-oriented leadership skills and male leaders were rated higher on business-oriented leadership skills (Kabacoff, 1998). In general, bosses rated male and female managers equal in effectiveness; however, peers rated women slightly higher than men. Specifically, the following points emerged from this study: (1) Male managers were perceived as having more of a vision of strategic planning and organization, having a greater sense of tradition (building on knowledge gained from experience), being innovative and willing to take risks, and being more restrained and professional in terms of emotional expression. They were also seen as better delegators, more cooperative, and more persuasive than female managers. (2) Female managers were perceived as being more empathic, being more energetic and enthusiastic, being better communicators (e.g., keeping people informed, providing feedback), and possessing more "people skills" (e.g., sensitivity to others, likability, listening ability, development of relationships with peers and superiors) than their male counterparts. However, they were not perceived as being more outgoing or extroverted, or more cooperative as leaders.
How Do They Communicate as Managers? Researchers have found readily detectable gender differences in the communication styles of leaders (Helgesen, 1990, 1995; Sloan & Krone, 2000). Generally, a feminine management style involves supportive, facilitative leadership that tends to be effective in participatory, democratic work settings. Helgesen, S. (1990). The female advantage: Women's ways of leadership. New York: Doubleday. Helgesen, S. (1995). The web of inclusion. New York: Doubleday. Kabacoff, R. I. (1998). Gender difference in organizational leadership: A large sample study. Paper presented at the meeting of the American Psychological Association, San Francisco, CA. Sloan, D. K., & Krone, K. J. (2000). Women managers and gendered values. Women's Studies in Communication, 23 ,111-130. |
The true source is not given. Neither a Hegelsen 1995 nor a Helgesen 1995 are listed in the references. The correct spelling is Helgesen [1]. |
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| [In] general, a feminine management style involves supportive, facilitative leadership that tends to be effective in participatory, democratic work settings. On the other hand, a masculine management style involves control or power over employees and a competitive tone that strives to create winners and losers – a style that may be more effective in a highly autocratic work environment.
Communication scholar Steven May (1997, p. 3) defines the “feminization of management” as a result of a changing workplace and a changing worker. May states:
May identifies three themes in current managerial literature, themes that reveal a “thread of feminization” (May, 1997, p. 9). The first theme is advice to managers to replace the notion of control with shared responsibility. Instead of commanding, directing, and deciding, “the new ideal is a manager who relinquishes control and shares responsibility, authority, and the limelight” (May, 1997, p. 10). The second theme is helping and developing employees, as opposed to regulating and supervising them. This theme underlies the team-building approach that is popular in modern American organizations. May, S.K. (1997, November). Silencing the feminine in managerial discourse. Paper presented at the meeting of the National Communication Association, Chicago, IL. |
[page 377]
Generally, a feminine management style involves supportive, facilitative leadership that tends to be effective in participatory, democratic work settings. In contrast, a masculine management style involves control or power over employees and a competitive tone that strives to create winners and losers—a style that may be more effective in a highly autocratic work environment. [...] [page 378] Communication scholar Steven May (1997) describes the "feminization of management," a result of a changing workplace and a changing worker (p. 3). May contends:
May identifies three themes in current managerial literature, themes that reveal a "thread of feminization" (p. 9). The first theme is advice to managers to replace the notion of control with shared responsibility. Instead of commanding, directing, and deciding, "the new ideal is a manager who relinquishes control and shares responsibility, authority, and the limelight" (p. 10). The second theme is helping and developing employees, as opposed to regulating and supervising them. This theme underlies the team-building approach that is popular in modern American organizations. May, S. K. (1997, November). Silencing the feminine in managerial discourse. Paper presented at the meeting of the National Communication Association, Chicago, IL. |
The true source is not given. |
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| The third theme is the importance of building meaningful networks of relationships, both within and outside the organization.
While May (1997) found these themes consistent with feminine traits identified in our culture, none of the literature he surveyed used the term “feminine style of management.” Matter of fact, authors struggled to find another name or metaphor for the style. According to May (1997), a recommended management style based on feminine qualities such as nurturance, along with an unwillingness to call that style feminine, indeed proves that there is a continued bias in the workplace. He concludes that “the culture is deeply ambivalent about elevating the status of the female and femininity; doing so would call into question the entire system of gender relations that underpins most organization and management theory” (May, 1997, pp. 22-23). Research and popular literature on the subject of gender and management describe a blended style that includes both masculine and feminine strengths in communication and leadership (Claes, 2002; Hayes, [sic] Andrews, Herschel, & Baird, 1996). As Tom Peters, coauthor of the bestselling management treatise in In Search of Excellence, explains, “Gone are the days of women succeeding by learning to play men’s games. Instead the time has come for men on the move to learn to play women’s games” (Fierman, 1990, p. 115). One of the earliest and strongest supporters of the blended management approach was Alice Sargent, author of The Androgynous Manager (1981). According to Sargent, androgynous management involves blending linear, systematic problem solving with intuitive approaches, balancing competition and collaboration, and dealing with power as well as emotion. Sargent argues that both men and women have suffered the [consequences of a masculine management style, including stress and related health problems.] Claes, M.T. (2002). Women, men, and management styles. In P.J. Dubeck & D. Dunn (Eds.). Workplace/women’s place: An anthology (2nd ed.) (pp. 121-125). Los Angeles: Roxbury. Fierman, J. (1990, December 17). Do women manage differently? Fortune, 115-117 Hayes Andrews, P., Herschel, R.T., & Baird, J.E., Jr. (1996). Organizational communication: Empowerment in a technological society. Boston: Hougston-Mifflin. [sic] May, S.K. (1997, November). Silencing the feminine in managerial discourse. Paper presented at the meeting of the National Communication Association, Chicago, IL. Sargent, A.G. (1981). The androgynous manager. New York: AMACOM. |
[page 378]
The third theme is the importance of building meaningful networks of relationships, both within and outside the organization. While May found these themes consistent with feminine traits identified in our culture, none of the literature he surveyed used the term "feminine style of management." In fact, authors struggled to find another name or metaphor for the style. May contends that a recommended management style based on feminine qualities such as nurturance, along with an unwillingness to call that style feminine, bears witness to continued bias in the workplace. He concludes that "the culture is deeply ambivalent about elevating the status of the female and femininity; doing so would call into question the entire system of gender relations that underpins most organization and management theory" (pp. 22-23). Can Effective Managers Have It Both Ways? Research and popular literature on the subject of gender and management describe a blended style, one that draws on both masculine and feminine strengths in communication and leadership (Claes, 2002; Hayes [page 379] Andrews, Herschel, & Baird, 1996). [...] As Tom Peters, coauthor of the bestselling management treatise In Search of Excellence, explains, "Gone are the days of women succeeding by learning to play men's games. Instead the time has come for men on the move to learn to play women's games" (as in Fierman, 1990, p. 115). One of the earliest and strongest proponents of the blended management approach was Alice Sargent, author of The Androgynous Manager (1981). Androgynous management involves blending linear, systematic problem solving with intuitive approaches, balancing competition and collaboration, and dealing with power as well as emotion. Sargent argues that men and women alike have suffered the consequences of a masculine management style, including stress and related health problems. Claes, M. T. (2002). Women, men, and management styles. In P. J. Dubeck & D. Dunn (Eds.), Workplace/women's place: An anthology (2nd ed.) (pp. 121-125). Los Angeles: Roxbury. Fierman, J. (1990, December 17). Do women manage differently? Fortune, 115-117. Hayes Andrews, P., Herschel, R. T., & Baird, J. E. Jr. (1996). Organizational communication: Empowerment in a technological society. Boston: Houghton-Mifflin. May, S. K. (1997, November). Silencing the feminine in managerial discourse. Paper presented at the meeting of the National Communication Association, Chicago, IL. Sargent, A. G. (1981). The androgynous manager. New York: AMACOM. |
The true source is not given. The second-hand quotation of Peters in Fierman is changed to a direct quote from Fierman. |
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| [Sargent argues that both men and women have suffered the] consequences of a masculine management style, including stress and related health problems. Moreover, some women claim that they are not interested in reaching the upper levels of management in their patriarchal organizations, because of concerns that they will be forced to exhibit the company’s masculine value-based behavior (Sloan & Krone, 2000); and sometimes when a female manager uses stereotypical feminine behaviors, she receives negative reactions as well (Daniels, Spiker, & Papa, 1997). Today female managers are still finding their way in a male-dominated arena, thus the decision to adopt an androgynous management style, or any management style, depends upon the context within which one works.
Daniels, T.D., Spiker, B.K., & Papa, M.J. (1997). Perspectives on organizational communication (4th ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill. Sloan, D.K., & Krone, K.J. (2000). Women managers and gendered values. Women’s Studies in Communication, 23, 111-130. |
Sargent argues that men and women alike have suffered the consequences of a masculine management style, including stress and related health problems.
[...] In fact, some women explain that they aren't drawn to the upper levels of management in their patriarchal organizations, because of concerns that they will be co-opted or forced into exhibiting the company's masculine value-based behavior (Sloan & Krone, 2000). Sometimes, when a female manager uses stereotypical feminine behaviors, she receives negative reactions as well (Daniels, Spiker, & Papa, 1997). Things are changing and female managers are still finding their way in a male-dominated arena, so the decision to adopt an androgynous management style, or any management style, depends upon the context within which you work. Daniels, T. D., Spiker, B. K., & Papa, M. J. (1997). Perspectives on organizational communication (4th ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill. Sloan, D. K., & Krone, K. J. (2000). Women managers and gendered values. Women's Studies in Communication, 23, 111-130. |
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| B. Gender Theories
Theories have been generated to explain the phenomenon of gender identity development. Human communication is a continuous and dynamic process of sending [and receiving messages in order to share meaning.] |
[page 75]
Theories of Gender Identity Development Theories have been generated to explain the phenomenon of gender identity development, or how one becomes "gendered." [page 41] Human communication isn't static; it's an ongoing, dynamic process of sending and receiving messages for the purpose of sharing meaning. |
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| [Human communication is a continuous and dynamic process of sending] and receiving messages in order to share meaning. To achieve this purpose, people use both verbal and nonverbal communication. Communication flows back and forth simultaneously, both verbally and nonverbally, between the sender and the receiver (Wood, 2001). Communication then becomes gendered when sex or gender clearly begins to influence one’s choices – choices of what one says and how one relates to others. Many scholars claim that gender is an all-inclusive designation, a personal characteristic so pervasive that communication cannot avoid its effects. Thus, in this view, all communication is gendered (Spender, 1985; Thorne, Kramarae, & Henley, 1983; Wilson Schaef, 1981).
[...] One of the most provocative depictions of gender communication is found in Lois Gould’s X: A Fabulous Child’s Story (1972). Gould (1972) writes about X, a child whose parents participated in an experimental study by not revealing to anyone the biological sex of the child. The story starts from X’s infancy and advances through childhood, as X plays with other children, goes to school and deals with sex-specific bathrooms, and is considered mentally healthy by a psychiatrist. The most interesting part of this story is the reaction of other people toward X. Adults, as well as children, in the story found it enormously difficult to cope with not knowing X’s sex. It was as if people did not know how to behave without sex-based information to guide them. Gould, L. (1972, December). X: A fabulous child’s story. Ms. 105-106. Spender, D. (1985). Man made language (2nd ed.). London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Thorne, B., Kramarae, C., Henley, N. (1983). Language, gender, and society: Opening a second decade of research. In B. Thorne, C. Kramarae, & N. Henley (Eds. Language, gender, and society (pp. 7-24). Rowley, MA: Newburry. [sic] Wilson Schaef, A. (1981). Women’s reality: An emerging female system in the white male society. Minneapolis: Winston. Wood, J. (2001). Gendered lives: Communication, gender, and culture (4th Edition). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing. |
[page 41]
Human communication isn't static; it's an ongoing, dynamic process of sending and receiving messages for the purpose of sharing meaning. To accomplish this purpose, people use both verbal and nonverbal communication (including body movement, physical appearance, facial expression, touch, and tone of voice). Communication flows back and forth simultaneously, both verbally and nonverbally, between sender and receiver (DeVito, 2000; Wood, 2001). [page 30] We believe that communication becomes gendered when sex or gender overtly begins to influence your choices—choices of what you say and how you relate to others. [...] However, some scholars believe that gender is an all-encompassing designation, a personal characteristic so pervasive that communication cannot escape its effects. In this view, all communication is gendered (Spender, 1985; Thorne, Kramarae, & Henley, 1983; Wilson Schaef, 1981). [page 34] One of the more provocative illustrations of these ideas can be found in "X: A Fabulous Child's Story" by Lois Gould (1972). Gould offers a fictional account of a child named X whose parents participated in an experimental study by not revealing to anyone the biological sex of the child. The story progresses from infancy through childhood, as X plays with other children, goes to school and deals with sex-specific bathrooms, and is pronounced mentally healthy by a psychiatrist. What is most fascinating in this story is people's reactions to X. Adults and children alike in the story had extreme difficulty in coping with not knowing the child's sex. It was as if they didn't know how to behave without sex-based information to guide them. DeVito, J. A. (2000). The interpersonal communication book (9th ed.). New York: Addison Wesley. Gould, F. (1972, December). X: A fabulous child's story. Ms., 105-106. Spender, D. (1985). Man made language (2nd ed.). London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Thorne, B., Kramarae, C., & Henley, N. (1983). Language, gender, and society: Opening a second decade of research. In B. Thorne, C. Kramarae, & N. Henley (Eds.), Language, gender, and society (pp. 7-24). Rowley, MA: Newbury. Wilson Schaef, A. (1981). Women's reality: An emerging female system in the white male society. Minneapolis: Winston. Wood, J. T. (2001). Communication mosaics: A new introduction to the field of communication (2nd ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. |
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| Biological sex has a major influence on the communication between men and women. Nevertheless, Gould (1972) shows that biology is not destiny, and that is the amazing possibility of analyzing gender communication. A person’s sex cannot be easily changed, but a person’s concept of gender is much more open to change and development.
Some people are even more comfortable claiming themselves as androgynous, meaning that they have a mix of traits typically associated with one sex or the other. Androgyny is derived from the Greek andros, meaning man; and gyne, meaning woman, and the term was made popular by gender scholar Sandra Bem (1974). Androgynous women are not necessarily masculine or sexless; similarly, androgynous men are not necessarily effeminate, gay, or asexual. This kind of gender identity merely involves a combination of sex-associated traits, instead of only those traits linked with femininity or masculinity (Lippa, 2002). Humans find comfort in being able to expect and predict how others will behave, hence making these expectations and predictions powerful motivators in human communication. On the basis of their past and ever-expanding experiences, people strive to anticipate a situation, predict how certain behaviors will lead to certain reactions from others, act accordingly, and reap rewards from the situation. Charles Berger and his colleagues have contributed a significant amount of research about the process of uncertainty reduction. According to Berger, when people cannot form adequate expectations and are unable to predict what will happen in situations, they experience uncertainty (Berger & Bradac, 1982; Berger & Calabrese, 1975). One reaction to this discomfort is by communicating in order to gain information and reduce uncertainty. Bem, S. L. (1974). The measurement of psychological androgyny. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology [sic], 42, 155-162. Gould, L. (1972, December). X: A fabulous child’s story. Ms. 105-106. Lippa, R.A. (2002). Gender, nature, and nurture. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. |
[page 34]
Biological sex suggests several things about how women and men communicate and are communicated with, but biology isn't destiny, and that's the powerful potential of studying gender communication. A person's sex isn't easily changed, but a person's concept of gender is far more open to change and development. [page 35] Many people are more comfortable viewing themselves as androgynous, meaning that they possess and blend traits typically associated with one sex or the other. Androgyny is a term made popular by gender scholar Sandra Bem (1974); the term is derived from the Greek andros, meaning man; and gyne, meaning woman. Androgynous women aren't necessarily masculine or sexless; likewise, androgynous men aren't necessarily effeminate, gay, or asexual. This form of gender identity simply involves a blending of sex-associated traits, rather than an adherence to only those traits associated with femininity or masculinity (Lippa, 2002). [page 42] Humans like to be able to form expectations and to predict how others will behave. These expectations and predictions are comforting; thus, they are powerful motivators in human interaction. On the basis of their past and ever-expanding experiences, people strive to anticipate a situation, predict how certain behaviors will lead to certain reactions from others, act accordingly, and reap rewards from the situation. Charles Berger and his colleagues have contributed a significant amount of research about this process of uncertainty reduction. According to these researchers, when people cannot form adequate expectations and are unable to predict what will happen in situations, they experience uncertainty (Berger & Bradac, 1982; Berger & Calabrese, 1975). One reaction to this discomfort is to communicate to gain information and reduce uncertainty. Bem, S. L. (1974). The measurement of psychological androgyny. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 42,155-162. Berger, C. R., & Bradac, J. J. (1982). Language and social knowledge: Uncertainty in interpersonal relationships. London: Edward Arnold. Berger, C. R., & Calabrese, R. J. (1975). Some explorations in initial interaction and beyond. Toward a developmental theory of interpersonal communication. Human Communication Research, 1, 99-112. Lippa, R. A. (2002). Gender, nature, and nurture. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. |
The true source is not given. Neither Berger & Bradac 1982 nor Berger & Calabrese 1975 are listed in Dsi's references. |
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| Various theories have attempted to analyze the phenomenon of gender identity development, or how one becomes “gendered.” Some of the more well-known theories explore the connection between gender identity and gender communication:
1. Social Learning Theory Social psychologists Walter Mischel (1966) and Albert Bandura (1971; 1986) are prominent for their research on Social Learning Theory as an explanation for human development. This theory claims that children learn gender-related behavior from social contacts, mainly with their parents and peers. Through a process known as identification, children model the thoughts, emotions, and actions of others. This role-modeling has a powerful impact on how children view themselves and develop gender identities. A related practice involves a kind of trial-and-error method in which children learn what behaviors are expected of each sex. Some behaviors in little girls and boys are rewarded by parents, teachers, peers, and other agents of socialization; however, the same behaviors enacted by the opposite sex are punished. Based on the constant positive and negative responses they receive due to their behaviors, children generalize to other situations and come to develop identities as girls or boys (Lippa, 2002; Peach, 1998). 2. Cognitive Development Theory Unlike what the Social Learning Theory suggests, according to Lawrence Kohlberg (1966), without external reinforcement, children gain an understanding of gender roles and self-identity as their minds mature. Kohlberg’s (1996) [sic] theory fundamentally claims that children socialize themselves into feminine or masculine identities by going through four stages of mental ability. In stage 1, very young children begin to recognize sex differences, but are still not able to attach a sex identity to a [person.] Lippa, R.A. (2002). Gender, nature, and nurture. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. |
[page 75]
Theories of Gender Identity Development Theories have been generated to explain the phenomenon of gender identity development, or how one becomes "gendered." We will summarize some of the more prominent theories and then explore the connection between gender identity and gender communication. [page 76] Social Learning Theory Social psychologists Walter Mischel (1966) and Albert Bandura (1971; 1986) are noted for their research on social learning theory as an explanation for human development. This theory suggests that children learn gender-related behavior from their social contacts, primarily their parents and peers. Through a process known as identification, children model the thoughts, emotions, and actions of others. This role modeling has a powerful effect on how children see themselves and on how they form gender identities. A related practice involves a sort of trial-and-error method in which children learn what behaviors are expected of each sex. Some behaviors in little girls and boys are rewarded by parents, teachers, peers, and other agents of socialization; the same behaviors enacted by the opposite sex are punished. As children continue to receive positive and negative responses to their behaviors, they generalize to other situations and come to develop identities as girls or boys (Lippa, 2002; Peach, 1998). [page 77] Cognitive Development Theory One prominent gender identity theory results primarily from the work of Lawrence Kohlberg. According to Kohlberg (1966), as children's minds mature, they gain an understanding of gender roles and self-identity without external reinforcement (in contrast to the suggestions of social learning theory). Kohlberg's theory essentially is that children socialize themselves into feminine or masculine identities via progress through four stages of mental ability. In stage 1, very young children are beginning to recognize sex distinctions, but they cannot attach a sex identity to a person. Bandura, A. (1971). Social-learning theory of identificatory processes. In D. A. Goslin (Ed.), Handbook of socialization theory and research. Chicago: Rand McNally. Bandura, A. (1986). Social foundations of thought and action: A social cognitive theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Kohlberg, L. (1966). A cognitive-developmental analysis of children's sex-role concepts and attitudes. In E. E. Maccoby (Ed.), The development of sex differences (pp. 82-173). Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Lippa, R. A. (2002). Gender, nature, and nurture. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Mischel, W. (1966). A social learning view of sex differences in behavior. In E. E. Maccoby (Ed.), The development of sex differences (pp. 56-81). Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Peach, L. J. (1998). Women in culture: Introduction. In L. J. Peach (Ed.), Women in culture:vA women's studies anthology (pp. 1-12). Malden, MA: Blackwell. |
The true source is not given. The references Mischel 1966, Bandura 1971, Bandura 1986, Peach 1998, Kohlberg 1966, and Kohlberg 1996 [sic] are not listed in the references section. |
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| [In stage 1, very young children begin to recognize sex differences, but are still not able to attach a sex identity to a] person. Thus, they are likely to say such things as “Mommy is a boy.” In stage 2, children learn their own sexual identity, as well as how to identify other people’s sex correctly (Ruble, Balaban, & Cooper, 1981). At this stage children understand that their own maleness or femaleness is unchangeable. In stage 3, children learn that there are “ground rules” for sex roles, or guidelines for sex-typed appropriate behavior, that grow from one’s culture. Children become motivated to behave according to those rules, and persuade others to conform, too. For example, girls want to wear girly clothing, and boys are appalled at the thought of playing with dolls. At this point, children are more motivated to value and imitate those behaviors associated with their own sex than behaviors associated with the other sex.
The progress continues onto stage 4, when children are able to separate their identities from those of their primary caregivers, usually their mothers. For boys, the importance of their fathers’ identity and behavior is complex. Furthermore, because girls cannot separate themselves from the mother’s female identity, they remain at stage 3, unlike the boys who progress through all four stages (Kohlberg, 1996). A major critique of this theory is that the model claims that girls’ development is somehow less complete or advanced than the boys’ development. Kohlberg (1996) uses a male model of development and generalizes it to all humans. 3. Gender Schema Theory This theory was mainly developed by gender scholar and psychologist Sandra Bem (1983), who states that when a child learns a proper cultural definition of gender, this definition turns into the key structure around which all other information is organized. A schema is a cognitive structure that helps people interpret the world. |
[page 77]
In stage 1, very young children are beginning to recognize sex distinctions, but they cannot attach a sex identity to a person. They are likely to say such things as "Daddy is a girl." In stage 2, children learn their own sexual identity, as well as how to identify other people's sex correctly (Ruble, Balaban, & Cooper, 1981). They now understand that their own maleness or femaleness is unchangeable. In stage 3, children learn that there are "ground rules" for sex roles, or guidelines for sex-typed appropriate behavior, that stem from one's culture. Children become motivated to behave in accordance with those rules, persuading others to conform, too. For example, girls want to wear ruffly, "girly" clothing, and boys are appalled at the thought of playing with dolls. At this point, children begin to value and imitate those behaviors associated with their own sex, more so than behaviors associated with the other sex. This progress continues into stage 4, when children separate their identities from those of their primary caregivers (typically their mothers). For boys, the importance of their fathers' identity and behavior is compounded. But because girls cannot separate themselves from the mother's female identity, they remain at stage three, unlike their male counterparts who progress through all four stages. In essence, a girl's development is stunted because her sex identity is the same as her mother's. Can you anticipate any problems with this theory? A major criticism of the theory has to do with its use of a male model of development that is then generalized to all humans. The model suggests that girls' development is somehow less complete or advanced than boys'. Gender Schema Theory Gender schema theory, primarily advanced by psychologist Sandra Bem (1983), states that once a child learns an appropriate cultural definition of gender, this definition becomes the key structure around which all other information is organized. A schema is a cognitive structure that helps us interpret the [page 78] world. Bern, S. L. (1983). Gender schema theory and its implications for child development: Raising gender-aschematic children in a gender-schematic society. Signs, 8, 598-616. Ruble, D. N., Balaban, T, & Cooper, J. (1981). Gender constancy and the effects of sex-typed televised toy commercials. Child Development, 52, 667-673. |
The true source is not given. The references Ruble, Balaban, & Cooper 1981, Kohlberg 1996 and Bem 1983 are not listed in the references section. |
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| According to Bem (1983), in cultures that adhere closely to traditional gender differentiation, gender schemas are likely to be more complex. Thus, a child must be old enough to identify gender accurately before a schema can be formulated and gender-related information can be gathered from it. Gender schemas offer instructions on how to behave, and these instructions strongly influence a child’s sense of self-esteem (Bem, 1983).
As a child develops a gender schema, he or she continuously uses it as an organizing point of view. A schema related to a child’s own sex first develops, and then becomes more complex and detailed than schemas for the other sex. Using his or her own schema, a child takes in new information, plans activities, and chooses roles. The development of and succeeding adherence to gender schemas may help understand why it is so hard to remove gender-stereotypical thinking (Bem, 1993). According to Bem (1993), every culture holds assumptions about behavior that are part of its social institutions. She explains that three fundamental, culturally shared attitudes exist regarding males and females: 1. Females and males are totally different and opposite beings. 2. Males are superior to females. 3. Biology produces natural and inevitable gender roles. Regardless of evidence against gender divergence and biological predestination, these beliefs prevail. Bem (1993) states that most children accept these beliefs without recognizing that alternatives are possible. As these children grow older, they cannot picture a society organized differently. 4. Gilligan’s Gender Identity Development Theory |
In cultures that adhere closely to traditional gender differentiation, gender schemas are likely to be complex and elaborate. Before a schema can be formulated and gender-related information can be viewed through it, the child must be old enough to identify gender accurately. [...] Gender schemas provide prescriptions for how to behave and can strongly influence a child's sense of self-esteem.
As children develop a gender schema, they increasingly use it as an organizing perspective. A schema related to a child's own sex appears to develop first, and it becomes more complex and detailed than schemas for the other sex. Using his or her own schema, a child takes in new information, plans activities, and chooses roles. The development of and subsequent adherence to gender schemas may help us understand why it is so difficult to dislodge gender-stereotypical thinking. Bem's (1993) work on gender socialization expands gender schema theory by describing the effects of culture on the acquisition of gender. According to Bem, every culture contains assumptions about behavior that are part of its social institutions. She maintains that three fundamental, culturally shared beliefs exist regarding males and females: 1. Females and males are totally different and opposite beings. 2. Males are superior to females. 3. Biology produces natural and inevitable gender roles. Despite evidence against gender polarization and biological predestination, these beliefs remain prevalent. Bem notes that most children accept these beliefs without recognizing that alternatives are possible. As these children grow older, they cannot envision a society organized differently. Gilligan's Gender Identity Development Theory Bem, S. L. (1983). Gender schema theory and its implications for child development: Raising gender-aschematic children in a gender-schematic society. Signs, 8, 598-616. |
The true source is not given. The reference Bem 1983 is not listed in the references section. |
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| Carol Gilligan (1982) challenged human development theorists in her revolutionary book In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women’s Development. Gilligan’s theory expands earlier theories of human development to cover both female and male paths to gender identity. In short, the heart of identity development is in the relationship between the mother and the child. While the female child connects and finds gender identity with the mother, the male child finds identity by separating himself from the mother. Therefore, unlike male development, which stresses separation and independence – female identity revolves around interconnectedness and relationships. As communication researchers Wood and Lenze (1991) explain, “This results in a critical distinction in the fundamental basis of identity learned by the genders. For men, the development of personal identity precedes intimacy with others, while for females, intimacy with others, especially within the formative relationship with the mother, is fused with the development of personal identify” [sic!] the two are interwoven processes” (Wood & Lenze, 1991, p. 5).
Gilligan’s theory offers insight into how men and women function, but major criticism toward this theory claims that the theory focuses too much on female development, and that it implies an advantage for females who can identify with a same-sex caregiver, while simply making rare comparisons with how the process goes for males. 5. Gender Transcendence Theory Numerous researchers have developed, expanded, and refined a theory of gender identity development called gender transcendence. Traditionally, the term sex role is defined as “the psychological traits and the social responsibilities that individuals have [and feel are appropriate for them because they are male or female” (Pleck, 1977, p. 182).] |
[page 78]
Gilligan's Gender Identity Development Theory Carol Gilligan (1982) challenged human development theorists in her groundbreaking book In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women's Development. Gilligan's theory expands previous views of human development to account for both female and male paths to gender identity. In a nutshell (which does not do justice to this theory), the core of identity development rests within the mother-child relationship. The female child connects and finds gender identity with the mother, but the male child must find identity by separating himself from this female caregiver. Thus—unlike male development, which stresses separation and independence—female identity revolves around interconnectedness and relationships. As communication researchers Wood and Lenze (1991) explain, "This results in a critical distinction in the fundamental basis of identity learned by the genders. For men, the development of personal identity precedes intimacy with others, while for females, intimacy with others, especially within the formative relationship with the mother, is fused with development of personal identity: the two are interwoven processes" (p. 5). Gilligan's theory offers insight into how men and women function. But Gilligan's critics claim that the theory focuses too heavily on female development, [page 79] and that it implies an advantage for females who can identify with a same-sex caregiver, while merely drawing occasional comparisons with how the process works for males. [...] Gender Transcendence and Androgyny Several researchers have developed, expanded, and refined a theory of gender identity development called gender transcendence. [...] In traditional views of development, the term sex role is defined as "the psychological traits and the social responsibilities that individuals have and feel are appropriate for them because they are male or female" (Pleck, 1977, p. 182). Gilligan, C. (1982). In a different voice: Psychological theory and women's development. Cambridge, MA: Flarvard University Press. Pleck, J. H. (1977). The psychology of sex roles: Traditional and new views. In L. A. Cater, A. F. Scott, & W. Martyna (Eds.), Women and men: Changing roles, relationships, and perceptions (pp. 181-199). New York: Praeger. Wood, J. T., & Lenze, L. F. (1991). Gender and the development of self: Inclusive pedagogy in interpersonal communication. Women's Studies in Communication, 14,1-23. |
The true source is not given. The references Gilligan 1982, Wood & Lenze 1991, and Pleck 1977 are not listed in the references section. |
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| [Traditionally, the term sex role is defined as “the psychological traits and the social responsibilities that individuals have] and feel are appropriate for them because they are male or female” (Pleck, 1977, p. 182). This definition emphasizes the two terms – masculine and feminine. Masculinity includes traits such as instrumental or task-oriented competence, assertiveness, self- protection, self-expansion, and a general orientation of self against the world. On the other hand, femininity involves such traits as expressiveness or relationship-oriented competence, as well as characteristics that include nurturance and concern for others, emphasis on relationships and the expression of feelings, and a general orientation of self within the world (Eccles, 1987; Parsons & Bales, 1955).
Critics of traditional views of development claim that the current theories are responsible for the dichotomy between males and females and limit individual’s options regarding identity. Within Gender Transcendence Theory, Pleck (1975) explains three stages of gender identity development. The first two stages are similar to Kohlberg’s (1966) Cognitive Development Model. However, stage 3 is the part where Transcendence Theory differs from the more traditional theories. Stage 3 happens when individuals face difficulty because the rules of behavior do not seem to make sense or because they begin to suspect that they have both expressive (feminine) and instrumental (masculine) abilities. At this point, individuals may “transcend” their understanding of the norms and expectations of gender to develop “psychological androgyny in accordance with their inner needs and temperaments” (Pleck, 1975, p. 172). Androgyny is connected to this idea of gender transcendence. Androgyny is more understandable by picturing a continuum with masculinity place [sic] toward on [sic] end, femininity toward the other end, and androgyny in the middle. An androgynous does not lose masculine traits or behaviors. Androgyny is a combination of the feminine and the [masculine.] |
[page 79]
In traditional views of development, the term sex role is defined as "the psychological traits and the social responsibilities that individuals have and feel are appropriate for them because they are male or female" (Pleck, 1977, p. 182). The emphasis here is on the two designations—masculine and feminine. Masculinity involves instrumental or task-oriented competence and includes such traits as assertiveness, self-expansion, self-protection, and a general orientation of self against the world. Femininity is viewed as expressive or relationship-oriented competence, with corresponding traits that include nurturance and concern for others, emphasis on relationships and the expression of feelings, and a general orientation of self within the world (Eccles, 1987; Parsons & Bales, 1955). Critics of traditional views of development believe that the prevailing theories perpetuate the dichotomy between males and females and limit individuals' options regarding identity. Gender transcendence theory responds to this criticism. Within transcendence theory, Pleck (1975) envisions a three-stage sequence of gender identity development. The first two stages resemble Kohlberg's (1966) cognitive development model. However, stage 3 represents the point where transcendence theory departs from the more traditional theories. Stage 3 occurs when individuals experience difficulty because the rules of behavior no longer seem to make sense or because they begin to suspect that they possess both expressive (feminine) and instrumental (masculine) abilities. At this point, individuals may "transcend" their understanding of the norms and expectations of gender to develop "psychological androgyny in accordance with their inner needs and temperaments" (Pleck, 1975, p. 172). [...] [page 80] Androgyny, which we discussed briefly in Chapter 1, is related to this notion of gender transcendence. Androgyny is more understandable if you envision a continuum with masculinity placed toward one end, femininity toward the other end, and androgyny in the middle. You don't lose masculine traits or behaviors if you are androgynous, or somehow become masculine if you move away from the feminine pole. Androgyny is an intermix of the feminine and the masculine. Eccles, J. S. (1987). Adolescence: Gateway to gender-role transcendence. In D. B. Carter (Ed.), Current conceptions of sex roles and sex typing (pp. 225-241). New York: Praeger. Kohlberg, L. (1966). A cognitive-developmental analysis of children's sex-role concepts and attitudes. In E. E. Maccoby (Ed.), The development of sex differences (pp. 82-173). Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Parsons, T., & Bales, R. (1955). Family, socialization, and interaction process. New York: Free Press. Pleck, J. H. (1975). Masculinity-femininity: Current and alternative paradigms. Sex Roles, 1, 161-178. Pleck, J. H. (1977). The psychology of sex roles: Traditional and new views. In L. A. Cater, A. F. Scott, & W. Martyna (Eds.), Women and men: Changing roles, relationships, and perceptions (pp. 181-199). New York: Praeger. |
The true source is not given. The references Pleck 1975, Pleck 1977, Eccles 1987, Parsons & Bales 1955, and Kohlberg 1966 are not listed in the references section. |
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| [Androgyny is a combination of the feminine and the] masculine. Some androgynous individuals may have more masculine traits than feminine, and vice versa (Pleck, 1975, p. 182).
Transcendence Theory, like other theories of gender identity development, begins with a discussion of child development. However, emphasis is on adolescence as a period when for the first time, traditional definitions of what is male and female are likely to be challenged. The theory then progresses into adult development, as life events, changing values, and social pressures, cause adults to reevaluate their gender identities. Transcendence, then, may occur in adolescence and adulthood; although, not everyone experiences it. Some people continue throughout adulthood sticking to the traditional roles and definitions of what is female and male, and they manage this quite well (Pleck, 1975, p. 172). Androgynous individuals tend to expand their repertoires of behavior; in general, they are adaptive to situations and comfortable with communicative options – options that become extremely helpful in the complicated realm of gender communication (Bem, 1987; Eccles, 1987; Greenblatt, Hasenauer, & Friemuth, 1980; Kelly, O’Brien, & Hosford, 1981). Results from a study in which subjects indicated strong identification with both masculine and feminine traits led the researchers to suggest that “androgyny may be a new gender ideal” (House, Dallinger, & Kilgallen, 1998, p. 18). Because androgynous individuals have expanded views of sex roles and corresponding behavior, they are usually more generally accepting and less judgmental of others whose behavior differs from social expectations for the sexes. At the beginning of this chapter the researcher described the main differences between male and female styles of leadership. Whereas sex is generally used to refer to [maleness and femaleness based on biology, gender is a much broader psychological and cultural construct.] |
[page 80]
Like other theories of gender identity development, transcendence theory begins with a discussion of child development. However, it emphasizes adolescence as a period when traditional definitions of what is male and female are likely to be challenged for the first time. The theory then tracks into adult development, as changing values, social pressures, and life events (e.g., marriage, new jobs, parenting, retirement) cause adults to reevaluate their gender identities. Transcendence, then, may occur in adolescence and adulthood; however, not everyone experiences it. Some people continue throughout adulthood to adhere to traditional roles and definitions of what is female and male, and they manage this quite successfully. [...] Androgyny is an intermix of the feminine and the masculine. Some androgynous individuals may have more masculine traits than feminine, and vice versa. [page 82] Androgynous individuals tend to expand their repertoires of behavior; in general, they are adaptive to situations and comfortable with communicative options— options that become extremely helpful in the complicated realm of gender communication (Bem, 1987; Eccles; 1987; Greenblatt, Hasenauer, & Friemuth, 1980; Kelly, O'Brien, & Hosford, 1981). Results from a study in which subjects indicated strong identification with both masculine and feminine traits (i.e., androgyny) led the researchers to suggest that "androgyny may be a new gender ideal" (House, Dallinger, & Kilgallen, 1998, p. 18). [...] Because androgynous individuals have expanded views of sex roles and corresponding behavior, they tend to be more generally accepting and less judgmental of others whose behavior deviates from social expectations for the sexes. [page 75] In the first major section of this chapter we talked about biological sex differences; note that here we have switched the focus to psychological variables or gender identity. Recall from Chapter 1 that the term sex is generally used to refer to maleness and femaleness based on biology, whereas gender is a much broader psychological and cultural construct. Bem, S. L. (1987). Masculinity and femininity exist only in the mind of the perceiver. In J. M. Reinisch, L. A. Rosenblum, & S. A. Sanders, (Eds.), Masculinity/femininity: Basic perspectives (pp. 304-311). New York: Oxford University Press. Eccles, J. S. (1987). Adolescence: Gateway to gender-role transcendence. In D. B. Carter (Ed.), Current conceptions of sex roles and sex typing (pp. 225-241). New York: Praeger. Greenblatt, L., Hasenauer, J. E., & Friemuth, V. S. (1980). Psychological sex type and androgyny in the study of communication variables: Self-disclosure and communication apprehension. Human Communication Research, 6, 117-129. House, A., Dallinger, J. M., & Kilgallen, D. L. (1998). Androgyny and rhetorical sensitivity: The connection of gender and communicator style. Communication Reports, 11,11-20. Kelly, J. A., O'Brien, G. G., & Hosford, R. (1981). Sex roles and social skills in considerations for interpersonal adjustment. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 5, 758-766. |
The true source is not given. The references Pleck 1975, Bem 1987, Eccles 1987, Greenblatt, Hasenauer, & Friemuth 1980, Kelly, O’Brien, & Hosford 1981, and House, Dallinger, & Kilgallen 1998 are not listed in the references section. |
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| [Whereas sex is generally used to refer to] maleness and femaleness based on biology, gender is a much broader psychological and cultural construct. Gender is culturally based and socially constructed from psychological characteristics; it also contains such things as attitudes and beliefs, sexual orientation, and perceptions of appropriate roles for women and men in society. Gender identity is a subset of gender that refers to the way one views ones’ self relative to stereotypically feminine or masculine traits. | Recall from Chapter 1 that the term sex is generally used to refer to maleness and femaleness based on biology, whereas gender is a much broader psychological and cultural construct. Gender is culturally based and socially constructed from psychological characteristics; it also contains such things as attitudes and beliefs, sexual orientation, and perceptions of appropriate roles for women and men in society. Gender identity is a subset of gender that refers to the way you view yourself, how you see yourself relative to stereotypically feminine or masculine traits. |
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| One of today’s most prominent feminists is bell hooks, whose book Feminism is for Everybody (2000) attempts to clear up the confusion about what feminism is and is not. She explains past attempts to discredit the feminist movement: “Embedded in the portrayal of feminists as man-hating was the assumption that all feminists were lesbians. Appealing to homophobia, mass media intensified anti-feminist sentiment among men” (hooks, 2000, p. 68).
In the most basic sense, a feminist is a person – male or female – who believes in equality, especially sex and gender equality. In calling for people to “come closer to feminism,” hooks (2000) cites her favorite definition of the term: “Feminism is a movement to end sexism, sexist exploitation, and oppression” (hooks, 2000, p.viii). |
[page 38]
One of the strongest feminist voices of our time is bell hooks, whose book Feminism Is for Everybody (2000) goes a long way toward clearing up confusion about what feminism is and is not. She describes another attempt in the past to discredit or marginalize the movement: "Embedded in the portrayal of feminists as man-hating was the assumption that all feminists were lesbians. Appealing to homophobia, mass media intensified anti-feminist sentiment among men" [page 39] (p. 68). [...] In the most basic sense, a feminist is a person—male or female—who believes in equality, especially sex and gender equality. In calling for people to "come closer to feminism," hooks (2000) cites her favorite definition of the term: "Feminism is a movement to end sexism, sexist exploitation, and oppression" (p. viii). hooks, b. (2000). Feminism is for everybody: Passionate politics. Cambridge, MA: South End Press. |
The true source is not given. There is no hooks 2000 in the references section, only hooks, b. (1984). "Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center" Cambridge, MA: South End Press which is similar to a text from the Wikipedia documented in Fragment 074 01. |
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| [She] continues by saying that “the movement is not about being anti-male. It makes it clear that the problem is sexism” (hooks, 2000, p.viii). She describes sexism as being perpetrated by both men and women who are socialized from birth to accept sexist ideas and actions.
Authors of Manifesta: Young Women, Feminism, and the Future, Baumgardner and Richards (2000) describe feminism as being “exactly what the dictionary says it is: the movement for social, political, and economic equality of men and women. Feminism means that women have the right to enough information to make informed choices about their lives” (Baumgardner & Richards, 2000, p. 56). Well-known feminist author Susan Faludi (1991) suggests, “Feminism’s agenda is basic: It asks that women not be forced to ‘choose’ between public justice and private happiness. It asks that women be free to define themselves – instead of having their identity defined for them, time and again, by their culture and their men” (Faludi, 1991, p. xxiii). In a more specific sense, feminism involves a reaction to institutionalized and internalized sexism, to power imposed by a male-dominated system or patriarchy (derived from a Greek word meaning “of the fathers” (hooks, 2000; hooks, Vaid, Steinem, & Wolf, 1993). Gender scholar Dale Spender (1985, p. 1) explains patriarchy as self-perpetuating society “based on the belief that the male is the superior sex.” Patriarchal practices or attitudes are often referred to as sexist, typically relating to discriminatory treatment of women. But the term sexism merely means the belittling of one sex and the exaltation of the other. Thus, sexism does not refer exclusively to devaluing women, just as racism does not refer exclusively to the belittling of one specific race in preference of another. Baumgardner, J., & Richards, A. (2000). Manifesto: [sic] Young women, feminism, and the future. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Faludi, S. (1991). Backlash: The undeclared war against American women. New York: Crown. Spender, D. (1985). Man made language (2nd ed.). London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. |
She goes on to say that "the movement is not about being anti-male. It makes it clear that the problem is sexism" (p. viii). She describes sexism as being perpetrated by both men and women who are socialized from birth to accept sexist ideas and actions. Well-known feminist author Susan Faludi (1991) suggests, "Feminism's agenda is basic: It asks that women not be forced to 'choose' between public justice and private happiness. It asks that women be free to define themselves—instead of having their identity defined for them, time and again, by their culture and their men" (p. xxiii). Authors of Manifesta: Young Women, Feminism, and the Future, Baumgardner and Richards (2000) describe feminism as being "exactly what the dictionary says it is: the movement for social, political, and economic equality of men and women. Feminism means that women have the right to enough information to make informed choices about their lives" (p. 56).
In a more specific sense, feminism involves a reaction to institutionalized and internalized sexism, to power imposed by a male-dominated system or patriarchy (derived from a Greek word meaning "of the fathers"; hooks, 2000; hooks, Vaid, Steinem, & Wolf, 1993). Gender scholar Dale Spender (1985) describes patriarchy as a self-perpetuating society "based on the belief that the male is the superior sex" (p. 1). Often patriarchal practices or attitudes are referred to as sexist, typically pertaining to discriminatory treatment of women. But the term sexism simply means the denigration of one sex and the exaltation of the other, or, stated another way, valuing one sex over the other. Thus, sexism does not refer exclusively to devaluing women, just as racism does not refer exclusively to the denigration of one specific race in preference for another. Baumgardner, J., & Richards, A. (2000). Manifesta: Young women, feminism, and the future. New York: Farrar, Straus, & Giroux. Faludi, S. (1991). Backlash: The undeclared war against American women. New York: Crown. hooks, b. (2000). Feminism is for everybody: Passionate politics. Cambridge, MA: South End Press. hooks, b., Vaid, U., Steinem, G., & Wolf, N. (1993, September-October). Let's get real about feminism: The backlash, the myths, the movement. Ms., 34-43. Spender, D. (1985). Man made language (2nd ed.). London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. |
The true source is not given. There is no hooks 2000 in the references section. |
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| England’s Mary Wollstonecraft is regarded as one of the first feminists. Her book A Vindication of the Rights of Women[sic], which called for women’s equality with men, is still widely studied to this day. Abigail Smith Adams, wife of the second U.S. president, [John Adams, and the mother of sixth president, John Quincy Adams, is also considered an early feminist as well.] | The First Wave of Feminism
England's Mary Wollstonecraft is regarded as one of the first feminists. Her book A Vindication of the Rights of Woman, which called for women's equality with men, is still widely studied today. Abigail Smith Adams, wife of the second U.S. president, John Adams, and the mother of sixth president, John Quincy Adams, is considered an early feminist as well. |
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| [Abigail Smith Adams, wife of the second U.S. president,] John Adams, and the mother of sixth president, John Quincy Adams, is also considered an early feminist as well. She is credited with writing letters in 1776 to her husband while he was at the Continental Congress, prodding him to “remember the ladies” (Lunardini, 1994, p. 16). However, the Constitution originally barred women, African Americans, American Indians, and many poor people from participation. For years after the Constitution was adopted women were legally subjugated to their husbands. According to the laws in most states, a married woman, “literally did not own the clothes on her back”; her husband legally possessed her and everything she earned (Weatherford, 1994, p. 222). Thus, Wollstonecraft’s and Adams’ efforts marked the first wave of feminism.
The period called the sexual revolution began during the first wave of feminism. In the United States, women have practiced birth control in one form or another throughout history, but not always legally. Margaret Sanger was among the first to make the connection between reproductive rights and women’s economic and social equality. She felt that birth control was the key to women’s equality (Ventura, 1998). In 1914 Sanger began publishing a journal titled Women [sic] Rebel. Even though it contained no particular information about contraceptives, it violated laws of the time and led to Sanger’s arrest and indictment by an all-male grand jury. Still, in 1916 she opened a clinic in Brooklyn, and in only 10 days before the police shut it down and arrested Sanger, 500 women were given diaphragms smuggled from Europe (Weatherford, 1994). While upholding the laws of the day, courts did allow physicians to prescribe contraceptives for women and condoms for men to prevent venereal disease (Lunardini, 1994). By 1938 federal courts changed the obscenity laws. Lunardini, C. (1994). What every American should know about women’s history. Holbrook, MA: Bob Adams. Ventura, V. (1998). Sheroes: Bold, brash, and absolutely unabashed superwomen. Berkeley, CA: Conari. Weatherford, D. (1994). American women’s history: An A to Z of people [sic] organizations, issues, and events. New York: Prentice-Hall. |
[p. 5]
The First Wave of Feminism [...] Abigail Smith Adams, wife of the second U.S. president, John Adams, and the mother of sixth president, John Quincy Adams, is considered an early feminist as well. She is credited with writing letters in 1776 to her husband while he was at the Continental Congress, prodding him to "remember the ladies" (Lunardini, 1994, p. 16). However, the Constitution originally barred women, African Americans, American Indians, and many poor people from participation. For years after the Constitution was adopted women were legally subjugated to their husbands. According to the laws in most states, a married woman "literally did not own the clothes on her back"; her husband legally possessed her and everything she earned (Weatherford, 1994, p. 222). [p. 10] The Sexual Revolution [...] For example, women have practiced birth control in one form or another throughout history, though not always legally. Margaret Sanger was among the first to make the connection between reproductive rights and women's economic and social equality. She felt that birth control was the key to women's equality (Ventura, 1998). In 1914 Sanger began publishing a journal entitled Woman Rebel. Even though it contained no specific information about contraceptives, it violated laws of the time and led to Sanger's arrest and indictment by an all-male grand jury. In 1916 she opened a clinic in Brooklyn where, in only 10 days before the police shut it down and arrested Sanger, 500 women were given diaphragms smuggled in from Europe (Weatherford, 1994). While upholding the laws of the day, courts did allow physicians to prescribe contraceptives for women and condoms for men to prevent venereal disease (Lunardini, 1994). By 1938 federal courts altered obscenity laws. Lunardini, C. (1994). What every American should know about women's history. Holbrook, MA: Bob Adams. Ventura, V. (1998). Sheroes: Bold, brash, and absolutely unabashed superwomen. Berkeley, CA: Conari. Weatherford, D. (1994). American women's history: An A to Z of people, organizations, issues, and events. New York: Prentice-Hall. |
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| [19.] Dsi/Fragment 090 01 - Diskussion Zuletzt bearbeitet: 2020-09-25 15:44:46 WiseWoman | Dsi, Fragment, Gesichtet, Ivy Backlund 2004, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung |
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| [Sanger and her associates] opened a network of 300 birth control clinics nationwide, and in 1942 they founded the Birth Control League, which would later become the Planned Parenthood Association (Lunardini, 1994).
In 1960 the Food and Drug Administration approved the manufacture and sale of “the pill” as a new form of contraception, which quickly became the keystone of the so-called sexual revolution (Lunardini, 1994, p. 297). Many people believe that this one innovation, in the form of a simple pill, helped make the ideas of women’s liberation more practical and acceptable to a wide range of American women. In 1965 the Supreme Court ruled the states could not ban the distribution of contraceptives to married people; in 1972 the right to purchase contraceptives was extended without regard to marital status (Weatherford, 1994). For many, the sexual revolution marked the first time that women could freely explore their sexuality without being concerned about becoming pregnant. Along with the sexual revolution came the rise of a “singles” culture, including the hippie movement’s advocacy of “free sex” and the “swinging” lifestyle of the 1970s, which led to a higher rate of cohabitation and switching of sexual partners (Lunardini, 1994, pp. 297-8). Since the 1960s, the number of American heterosexual, nonmarried couples living together has escalated by approximately 600 percent (Neft & Levine, 1997). Nearly half a million couples cohabited in 1960; by 1994 that figure had blown up to 3.6 million. The gay rights movement surfaced also during this era, opening discussions on sexuality and the oppression of homosexuals in society. In 1973 the American Psychiatric Association officially declassified homosexuality as a psychiatric disorder (Bernikow, 1997). Bernikow, L. (1997). The American women’s almanac: An inspiring and irreverent women’s history. New York: Berkley Books. Lunardini, C. (1994). What every American should know about women’s history. Holbrook, MA: Bob Adams. Neft, N., & Levine, A. (1997). Where women stand: An international report on the status of women in 140 countries, 1997-1998. New York: Random House. Weatherford, D. (1994). American women’s history: An A to Z of people [sic] organizations, issues, and events. New York: Prentice-Hall. |
Sanger and her associates opened a network of 300 birth control clinics nationwide, and in 1942 they established the Birth Control League, which would later become the Planned Parenthood Association (Lunardini, 1994).
In 1960 the Food and Drug Administration approved the manufacture and sale of "the pill" as a new form of contraception, which quickly became the keystone of the so-called sexual revolution (Lunardini, 1994, p. 297). Many people believe that this one innovation, in the form of a simple pill, helped make the ideas of women's liberation more practical and acceptable to a wider range of American women. In 1965 the Supreme Court ruled that states could not ban the distribution of contraceptives to married people; in 1972 the right to purchase contraceptives was extended without regard to marital status (Weatherford, 1994). For many, the sexual revolution marked the first time that women could freely explore their sexuality without being concerned about becoming pregnant. The sexual revolution accompanied the escalation of a "singles" culture, including the hippie movement's advocating of "free sex" and the "swinging" lifestyle of the 1970s, which led to a higher rate of cohabitation and switching of sexual partners (Lunardini, 1994, pp. 297-298). Since the 1960s, the number of American heterosexual, nonmarried couples living together has increased by approximately 600 percent (Neft & Levine, 1997). Approximately half a million couples cohabited in 1960; by 1994 that figure had grown to 3.6 million. The gay rights movement emerged as well during this period, opening discussions on sexuality and the oppression of homosexuals in society In 1973 the American Psychiatric Association officially declassified homosexuality as a psychiatric disorder (Bernikow, 1997). Bernikow, L. (1997). The American women's almanac: An inspiring and irreverent women's history. New York: Berkley Books. Lunardini, C. (1994). What every American should know about women's history. Holbrook, MA: Bob Adams. Neft, N., & Levine, A. (1997). Where women stand: An international report on the status of women in 140 countries, 1997-1998. New York: Random House. Weatherford, D. (1994). American women's history: An A to Z of people, organizations, issues, and events. New York: Prentice-Hall. |
The true source is not given. Where Ivy and Backlund fail to provide page numbers (first mention of Lunardini; Neft & Levine), the author also fails to indicate these. |
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| In 1953, French writer and philosopher Simone de Beauvoir published The Second Sex, which “argued that women – like all human beings – were in essence free but that they had almost always been trapped by particularly inflexible and limiting conditions. Only by means of courageous action and self-assertive creativity could a woman become a completely free person and escape the role of the inferior ‘other’ that men had constructed for her gender” (McKay, Hill, & Buckler, 1995, p. 1055).
In 1961, President John F. Kennedy appointed Eleanor Roosevelt to chair the Commission on the Status of Women (Weatherford, 1994). The report from this commission documented discriminatory practices in government, education, and employment and included recommendations for reform. Many states followed suit and identified discrimination at the state level. Hundreds of daily situations exemplified the second-class status of women in the American society. At the recommendation of the president’s Commission on the Status of Women, Congress passed the Equal Pay Act 1963, which was the first national legislation for women’s employment since the progressive era. However, it has proved rather difficult to enforce (Lunardini, 1994). The Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibited private employers from discriminating on the basis of race, color, religion, national origin, or sex. These efforts marked the second wave of feminism. Lunardini, C. (1994). What every American should know about women’s history. Holbrook, MA: Bob Adams. McKay, J., Hill, B., & Buckler, J. (1995). A history of western society, volume II: From absolutism to the present (5th ed.). Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Weatherford, D. (1994). American women’s history: An A to Z of people organizations, issues, and events. New York: Prentice-Hall. |
The Second Wave of Feminism
In 1953 French writer and philosopher Simone de Beauvoir published The Second Sex, which "argued that women—like all human beings—were in essence free but that they had almost always been trapped by particularly inflexible and limiting conditions. Only by means of courageous action and self-assertive creativity could a woman become a completely free person and escape the role of the inferior 'other' that men had constructed for her gender" (McKay Hill, & Buckler, 1995, p. 1055). [...] In 1961 President John F. Kennedy appointed Eleanor Roosevelt to chair the Commission on the Status of Women (Weatherford, 1994). The report from this commission documented discriminatory practices in government, education, and employment and included recommendations for reform. Many states followed suit and identified discrimination at the state level. Hundreds of daily situations exemplified the second-class status of women in our society. [...] At the recommendation of the president's Commission on the Status of Women, Congress passed the Equal Pay Act of 1963, which was the first national legislation for women's employment since the progressive era. However, it has proved rather difficult to enforce (Lunardini, 1994). The Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibited private employers from discriminating on the basis of race, color, religion, national origin, or sex. Lunardini, C. (1994). What every American should know about women's history. Holbrook, MA: Bob Adams. McKay, J., Hill, B., & Buckler, J. (1995). A history of western society, volume II: From absolutism to the present (5th ed.). Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Weatherford, D. (1994). American women's history: An A to Z of people, organizations, issues, and events. New York: Prentice-Hall. |
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| Some critics argue that feminism is dead or “stolen” (Hoff Sommers, 1994) or that the society has moved into a “post-feminist” existence because feminism is no longer necessary (Denfeld, 1995; Roiphe, 1993). However, Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Susan Faludi, author of Backlash: The Undeclared War against American Women (1991) and Stiffed: The Betrayal of the American Man (2000), argues that every time women move toward equality, a backlash occurs to restrain them, as was the case for the first and second waves of feminism.
Denfeld, R. (1995). The new Victorians: A young woman’s challenge to the old feminist order. New York: Warner. Faludi, S. (1991). Backlash: The undeclared war against American women. New York: Crown. Faludi, S. (2000). Stiffed: The betrayal of the American men [sic]. New York: Williams [sic] Morrow. Hoff Sommers, C. (1994). Who stole feminism? How women have betrayed women. New York: Simon & Schuster. Roiphe, K. (1993). The morning after: Sex, fear, and feminism on campus. Boston: Little Brown. |
The Third Wave of Feminism
Some critics contend that feminism is dead or "stolen" (Hoff Sommers, 1994) or that we have moved into a "post-feminist" existence because feminism is no longer necessary (Denfeld, 1995; Roiphe, 1993). However, Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Susan Faludi, author of Backlash: The Undeclared War against American Women (1991) and Stiffed: The Betrayal of the American Man (2000), contends that each time women move toward equality, a backlash occurs to restrain them, as was the case for the first and second waves of feminism. Denfeld, R. (1995). The new Victorians: A young woman's challenge to the old feminist order. New York: Warner. Faludi, S. (1991). Backlash: The undeclared war against American women. New York: Crown. Faludi, S. (2000). Stiffed: The betrayal of the American man. New York: William Morrow. Hoff Sommers, C. (1994). Who stole feminism? How women have betrayed women. New York: Simon & Schuster. Roiphe, K. (1993). The morning after: Sex, fear, and feminism on campus. Boston: Little Brown. |
The true source is not given. Dsi sometimes forgets to put book titles in italics. |
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| [A backlash, according to Faludi, is not an organized] conspiracy but a subtle yet persuasive campaign against feminist objectives which surfaces in attempts to withdraw many of the gains previously made by the feminist movement. It is a deceptive force that infuses American culture via national and local politics and the mass media, and it leads women to question whether equality is what they really want. A backlash will identify feminism as the devil incarnate and feminists as miserable, lonely, childless, and emotionally unstable.
In her book Faces of Feminism: An Activist’s Reflections on Women’s Movement, Sheila Tobias (1997) describes a feminist movement for the 21st century that emerged in the 1990s from women in their twenties and thirties who continue to be proud to call themselves “the third wave” (Tobias, 1997, p. 252). These young feminists emphasize collective action to effect change and embrace the diversity represented by various feminisms. They focus on inclusion; a multicultural emphasis; and strive to address problems stemming from sexism, racism, social class inequality, and homophobia (Baumgardner & Richards, 2000; Renzetti & Curran, 1995). As Leslie Heywood and Jennifer Drake explain in their book Third Wave Agenda (1997), third wave feminism draws from the struggles of past waves but is not a mere extension of a past movement. Just as other feminist efforts have had their critics, third wave feminism has also been scrutinized. Some scholars accuse that an overemphasis on age and generational differences associated with the movement works against effective political reform and makes “crucial conversations impossible” (Hogeland, 2001, p. 117). Others criticize the movement’s emphasis on the self, rather than on accomplishing positive change through collectivism (Shugart, 2001; Shugart, Waggoner, & Hallstein, 2001). Yet others question the movement’s dependence on celebrity and media images and its close association with [popular culture ...] Baumgardner, J., & Richards, A. (2000). Manifesto: [sic!] Young women, feminism, and the future. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Hogeland, L.M. (2001). Against generational thinking, or, some things that “third wave” feminism isn’t. Women’s Studies in Communication, 24, 107-121. Renzetti, C., & Curran, D. (1995). Women, men and society (3rd ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Shugart, H.A. (2001). Isn’t it ironic?: The intersection of third-wave feminism and generation X. Women’s Studies in Communication, 24, 131-168. Shugart, H.A., Waggoner, C.E., & Hallstein, D.L.O. (2001). Mediating third-wave feminism: Appropriation as postmodern media practice. Critical Studies in Media Communication, 18, 194-210. Tobias, S. (1997). Faces of feminism: An activist’s reflections on the women’s movement. Boulder, CO: Westview. |
[page 16]
A backlash, according to Faludi, is not an organized conspiracy but a subtle yet persuasive campaign against feminist objectives which emerges in attempts to rescind many of the gains previously made by the women's movement. It is a deceptive force that permeates American culture via national and local politics and the mass media, and it prompts women to question whether equality is what they really want. A backlash will identify feminism as the devil incarnate and feminists as miserable, lonely, childless, and emotionally unstable. In her book Faces of Feminism: An Activist's Reflections on the Women's Movement, Sheila Tobias (1997) describes a feminist movement for the twenty-first century that emerged in the 1990s from women in their twenties and thirties who continue to be proud to call themselves "the third wave" (p. 252). These young feminists emphasize collective action to effect change and embrace the diversity represented by various feminisms. They focus on inclusion; a multicultural emphasis; and strive to address problems stemming from sexism, racism, social class inequality, and homophobia (Baumgardner & Richards, 2000; Renzetti & [page 17] Curran, 1995). As Leslie Heywood and Jennifer Drake explain in their book Third Wave Agenda (1997), third wave feminism draws from the struggles of past waves but is not a mere extension of a past movement. Just as other strains of feminism have had their critics, third wave feminism has been scrutinized. Some scholars charge that an overemphasis on age and generational differences associated with the movement works against effective political reform and makes "crucial conversations impossible" (Hogeland, 2001, p. 117). Others are in the process of exploring and critiquing the movement's emphasis on the self, rather than on accomplishing positive change through collectivism (Shugart, 2001; Shugart, Waggoner, & Hallstein, 2001). Still others question the movement's reliance on celebrity and media images and its close association with popular culture, [...] Baumgardner, J., & Richards, A. (2000). Manifesta: Young women, feminism, and the future. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Hogeland, L. M. (2001). Against generational thinking, or, some things that "third wave" feminism isn't. Women's Studies in Communication, 24, 107-121. Renzetti, C, & Curran, D. (1995). Women, men and society (3rd ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Shugart, H. A. (2001). Isn't it ironic?: The intersection of third-wave feminism and generation X. Women's Studies in Communication, 24, 131-168. Shugart, H. A., Waggoner, C. E., & Hallstein, D. L. O. (2001). Mediating third-wave feminism: Appropriation as postmodern media practice. Critical Studies in Media Communication, 18, 194-210. Tobias, S. (1997). Faces of feminism: An activist's reflections on the women's movement. Boulder, CO: Westview. |
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| [Yet others question the movement’s dependence on celebrity and media images and its close association with] popular culture, in that some of its icons are television characters such as Ally McBeal, fashion models such as Kate Moss, and musicians such as Alanis Morissette and Courtney Love (Bellafante, 1998; Dow, 1996; Shugart, et al., 2001). As reporter for Time magazine, Ginia Bellafante (1998, p. 57) points out, “If feminism of the ´60s and ´70s was steeped in research and obsessed with social change, feminism today is wed to the culture of celebrity and self-obsession.”
Bellafante, G. (1998, June 29). Feminism: It’ [sic] all about me! Time, 54-62. Dow, B.J. (1996). Prime-time feminism: Television, media culture, and the Women’s Movement since 1970. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Shugart, H.A., Waggoner, C.E., & Hallstein, D.L.O. (2001). Mediating third-wave feminism: Appropriation as postmodern media practice. Critical Studies in Media Communication, 18, 194-210. |
Still others question the movement's reliance on celebrity and media images and its close association with popular culture, in that some of its icons are television characters such as Ally McBeal, fashion models such as Kate Moss, and musicians and actors such as Alanis Morissette and Courtney Love (Bellafante, 1998; Dow, 1996; Shugart, et al., 2001). As a reporter for Time magazine, Ginia Bellafante (1998) suggests, "If feminism of the '60s and '70s was steeped in research and obsessed with social change, feminism today is wed to the culture of celebrity and self-obsession" (p. 57)
Bellafante, G. (1998, June 29). Feminism: It's all about me! Time, 54-62. Dow, B. J. (1996). Prime-time feminism: Television, media culture, and the Women's Movement since 1970. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Shugart, H. A., Waggoner, C. E., & Hallstein, D. L. O. (2001). Mediating third-wave feminism: Appropriation as postmodern media practice. Critical Studies in Media Communication, 18',194-210. |
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| While more women are now being hired than in times past, greater numbers of men than women achieve the higher, more responsible and more rewarding ranks (Dunn, 2002); Stewart, 2001; Williams, 2002). Even though Fortune magazine continues to produce its “Fifty Most Powerful Women” lists and other indications of gains at higher levels can be cited, significant inequity still exists (Sellers, 1998). For example, statistics [show that women now represent more than 40 percent of graduating classes at American law schools, a figure that is up from a mere 7 percent in 1972.]
Dunn, D. (2002). Preface to the second edition. In P.J. Dubeck & D. Dunn (Eds.). Workplace/women’s place: An anthology (2nd. Ed.) (pp. xiii-xv). Los Angeles: Roxbury. Sellers, P. (1998, October 12). The 50 most powerful women in American business. Fortune, 76-130. Stewart, L.P. (2001). Gender issues in corporate communication. In L.P. Arliss & D.J. Borisoff (Eds.). Women and men communicating: Challenges and change [sic] (2nd ed.) (pp. 171-184). Prospect Heights, IL; Waveland. Williams, C.L. (2002). Gendered jobs and gendered workers. In P.J. Dubeck & D. Dunn (Eds.). Workplace/women’s place: An anthology (2nd ed.) (pp. 75-79). Los Angeles: Roxbury. |
While more women are now being hired than in times past, greater numbers of men than women achieve the higher, more responsible and more rewarding ranks (Dunn, 2002; Stewart, 2001; Williams, 2002). Even though Fortune magazine continues to produce its “Fifty Most Powerful Women" lists and other indications of gains at higher levels can be cited, significant inequity still exists (Sellers, 1998). For example, statistics show that women now represent over 40 percent of graduating classes at American law schools, a figure that is up from a mere 7 percent in 1972.
Dunn, D. (2002). Preface to the second edition. In P. J. Dubeck & D. Dunn (Eds.), Workplace/women's place: An anthology (2nd ed.) (pp. xiii-xv). Los Angeles: Roxbury. Sellers, P. (1998, October 12). The 50 most powerful women in American business. Fortune, 76-130. Stewart, L. P. (2001). Gender issues in corporate communication. In L. P. Arliss & D. J. Borisoff (Eds.), Women and men communicating: Challenges and changes (2nd ed.) (pp. 171-184). Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland. Williams, C. L. (2002). Gendered jobs and gendered workers. In P. J. Dubeck & D. Dunn (Eds.), Workplace/women's place: An anthology (2nd ed.) (pp. 75-79). Los Angeles: Roxbury. |
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| [For example, statistics] show that women now represent more than 40 percent of graduating classes at American law schools, a figure that is up from a mere 7 percent in 1972. These women have achieved in all aspects of the practice of law except for one: positions of power, such as partnerships and the management of law firms (Rosenberg, Perlstadt, & Phillips, 2002; Sege, 1996).
In the mid-1980s, a group of researchers at the Center for Creative Leadership began a three-year study: the Executive Women Project (Morrison, White, & van Velsor, 1987). This group coined the term glass ceiling, which they described as follows: “Many women have paid their dues, even a premium, for a chance at the top position, only to find a glass ceiling between them and their goal. The glass ceiling is not simply a barrier for an individual, based on the person’s inability to handle a higher-level job. Rather the glass ceiling applies to women as a group who are kept from advancing higher because they are women” (Morrison, White, & van Velsor, 1987, p.13). Morrison, A.M., White, R.P., & Van Velsor, E. (1987). Breaking the glass ceiling: Can women reach the top of America’s largest corporations? Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Rosenberg, J., Perlstadt, H.,& Phillips, W.R.F. (2002). “Now that we are here”: Discrimination, disparagement, and harassment at work and the experience of women lawyers. In P.J. Dubeck & D. Dunn (Eds.). Workplace/women’s place: An anthology (2nd ed.) (pp. 242-253). Los Angeles: Roxbury. |
For example, statistics show that women now represent over 40 percent of graduating classes at American law schools, a figure that is up from a mere 7 percent in 1972. These women have achieved in all aspects of the practice of law except for one: positions of power, such as partnerships and the management of law firms (Rosenberg, Perlstadt, & Phillips, 2002; Sege, 1996). [...]
In the mid-1980s, a group of researchers at the Center for Creative Leadership began a three-year study, the Executive Women Project (Morrison, White, & Van Velsor, 1987). This group coined the term glass ceiling, which they described as follows: “Many women have paid their dues, even a premium, for a chance at a top position, only to find a glass ceiling between them and their goal. The glass ceiling is not simply a barrier for an individual, based on the person's inability to handle a higher-level job. Rather the glass ceiling applies to women as a group who are kept from advancing higher because they are women" (p. 13). Morrison, A. M., White, R. P, & Van Velsor, E. (1987). Breaking the glass ceiling: Can women reach the top o f America's largest corporations? Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Rosenberg, J., Perlstadt, H., & Phillips, W. R. F. (2002). "Now that we are here": Discrimination, disparagement, and harassment at work and the experience of women lawyers. In P. J. Dubeck & D. Dunn (Eds.), Workplace/women's place: An anthology (2nd ed.) (pp. 242-253). Los Angeles: Roxbury. |
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| In 1991 the Federal Glass Ceiling Commission was formed, headed by Secretary of Labor Lynn Martin. This group’s Glass Ceiling Initiative studied nine Fortune 500 companies in order to understand the barriers to advancement for women and minorities and to assist corporations in determining strategies for eliminating the barriers. As a result of this study, Martin (1991) issued the following challenge: “The glass ceiling, where it exists, hinders not only individuals but society as a whole. It effectively cuts our pool of potential corporate leaders by eliminating over one-half of our population. If our end game is to compete successfully in today’s global market, then we have to unleash the full potential of the American work force. The time has come to tear down, to dismantle the ‘Glass Ceiling’”(Martin, 1991, p.2).
Some factors contributing to the barrier for female and minority advancement include the following: 1. Corporate lack of attention to equal opportunity principles, such as monitoring the progress and development, as well as compensation patterns, for all employees. 2. Discriminatory placement patterns. 3. Inadequate record keeping. 4. Internal recruitment practices that maintain white male-dominated networks. 5. A lack of EEOC (Equal Employment Opportunity Commission) involvement in the hiring processes for middle and upper-level management positions. Martin, L. (1991). A report on the glass ceiling initiative. U.S. Department of Labor. |
[page 370]
In 1991 the Federal Glass Ceiling Commission was formed, headed by Secretary of Labor Lynn Martin. This group's Glass Ceiling Initiative studied nine Fortune 500 companies in order to understand the barriers to advancement for women and minorities and to assist corporations in determining strategies for eliminating the barriers. As a result of this study, Martin (1991) issued the following challenge: “The glass ceiling, where it exists, hinders not only individuals but society as a whole. It effectively cuts our pool of potential corporate leaders by eliminating over one-half of our population. If our end game is to [page 371] compete successfully in today's global market, then we have to unleash the full potential of the American work force. The time has come to tear down, to dismantle the 'Glass Ceiling' " (p. 2). Some factors contributing to the barrier for female and minority advancement include the following: 1. Corporate lack of attention to equal opportunity principles, such as monitoring the progress and development, as well as compensation patterns, for all employees. 2. Discriminatory placement patterns. 3. Inadequate record keeping. 4. Internal recruitment practices that maintain white male-dominated networks. 5. A lack of EEOC (Equal Employment Opportunity Commission) involvement in the hiring processes for middle- and upper-level management positions. Martin, L. (1991). A report on the Glass Ceiling Initiative. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Labor. |
The true source is not given. The numbered list is repeated in Dsi/Fragment 194 09. The quotation from Martin 1991 (p.2) in the source as in Dsi omits a sentence without marking with an ellipsis. The statement in the original [2]:
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| After more than two decades of awareness of the need to promote women and members of minority groups into higher-level decision-making positions in the workforce, it seems that little progress has been achieved (Stewart, 2001). The Federal Glass Ceiling Commission (1995) gathered research findings and reported that women were occupying less than 5 percent of senior managerial and executive positions in large American corporations. Surveys of Fortune 1500 companies uncovered that in 1990s [sic], 97 percent of senior managers (vice presidents and above) were men (Federal Glass Ceiling Commission, 1995). At the turn of the new century, the general growth trend for women in the workforce was still not evident at the highest levels of employment. While 47 percent of middle-management positions in American companies were held by women, women held only 17 percent of executive management positions. The discrepancy was even more extreme at the level of CEOs: only 11 percent of U.S. organizations had female CEOs (Gathrie [sic] & Roth, 2002).
The difference between the numbers of male and female upper-level managers and executives in the American workforce has been given the name an authority gap by researchers Reskin and Padavic (1994). They give three explanations for the gap. The first is the “human-capital inequities” explanation, which suggests that women are still obtaining the education and experience that will enable them to rise to positions of authority. Reskin and Padavic oppose with statistics showing that “Women have not advanced into authority-conferring jobs in proportion to their presence in the lower ranks. Women were 15 percent of all managers in 1968, so they should be 15 percent of senior managers today. Instead, in 1990 they were only 3 percent of senior managers. Federal Glass Ceiling Commission. (1995). A solid investment: Making full use of the nation’s human capital. Washington, DC U.S. Government Printing Office. Gathrie [sic], D.,& Roth, L.M. (2002). The state, courts, and equal opportunities for female CEOs in U.S. organizations. In P.J. Dubeck & D. Dunn (Eds.). Workplace/women’s place: An anthology (2nd. Ed.) (pp. 105-115). Los Angeles: Roxbury. Stewart, L.P. (2001). Gender issues in corporate communication. In L.P. Arliss & D.J. Borisoff (Eds.). Women and men communicating: Challenges and change [sic] (2nd ed.) (pp. 171-184). Prospect Heights, IL; Waveland. |
[page 371]
After more than 20 years of awareness of the need to promote women and members of minority groups into higher-level decision-making positions in the workforce, it appears that little progress has been made (Stewart, 2001). The Federal Glass Ceiling Commission (1995) brought together research findings and reported that women were occupying less than 5 percent of senior managerial and executive positions in large American corporations. Surveys of Fortune 1500 companies reveal that in the decade of the '90s, 97 percent of senior managers (vice presidents and above) were men (Federal Glass Ceiling Commission, 1995). At the turn of the new century, the general growth trend for women in the workforce was still not evident at the highest levels of employment. While 47 percent of middle-management positions in American companies were held by women, women held only 17 percent of executive management positions. The disparity was even more extreme at the level of CEOs: only 11 percent of U.S. organizations had female CEOs (Guthrie & Roth, 2002). The Authority Gap The discrepancy between the numbers of male and female upper-level managers and executives in the American workforce has been termed an authority gap by researchers Reskin and Padavic (1994). They cite three explanations for this gap. The first is the "human-capital inequities" explanation, which suggests that women are still acquiring the education and experience that will enable them to rise to positions of authority. Reskin and Padavic counter with statistics showing that "Women have not advanced into authority-conferring jobs in proportion to their presence in the lower ranks. Women were 15 percent of all managers in 1968, so they should be 15 percent of senior managers today. Instead, in 1990 they were only 3 percent of senior managers. Federal Glass Ceiling Commission. (1995). A solid investment: Making full use of the nation's human capital. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Guthrie, D., & Roth, L. M. (2002). The state, courts, and equal opportunities for female CEOs in U.S. organizations. In P. J. Dubeck & D. Dunn (Eds.), Workplace/women's place: An anthology (2nd ed.) (pp. 105-115). Los Angeles: Roxbury. Reskin, B., & Padavic, I. (1994). Women and men at work. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press. Stewart, L. P. (2001). Gender issues in corporate communication. In L. P. Arliss & D. J. Borisoff (Eds.), Women and men communicating: Challenges and changes (2nd ed.) (pp. 171-184). Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland. |
The true source is not given. There is a Reskin & Padavic 2002 in the references, but no Reskin & Padavic 1994. The former is the second edition of the latter. |
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| "[...] [If] women’s rate of progress proceeds all [sic] the present pace, women will not achieve equitable representation and pay at all management levels for another 75 to 100 years” (pp. 95-96).
The second explanation relates to segregation in the workplace. The most frequently held managerial positions for women are in personnel and public relations – areas that are typically given little authority or power within an organization. The third explanation for the authority gap roots from cultural bias. Reskin and Padavic (1994) argue that many employers still “adhere to informal segregation code that keeps women from supervising men and that reserves the training slots leading to higher-level jobs for men” (Reskin & Padavic, 1994, p. 96). Organizational communication researcher Lea Stewart (2001) agrees, “Women have not reached the top of the corporate hierarchy in part because of the gender stereotype held by many corporate decision makers that women do not have the personality characteristics necessary for top leadership roles” (Stewart, 2001, p. 180). These statements portray the stereotypical judgment that because women are naturally affiliative and nurturing, they choose not to “rock the boat” and cannot make tough decisions that might disappoint others. To combat the gender differential in upper-level management, organizations must actively ensure that male and female employees’ careers are developed with equal attention (Nadler & Nadler, 1987). Teachers, parents, academic advisers and mentors should work with very young children to eliminate negative gender stereotypes where they begin. In addition, women should plan their careers well beforehand and proactively seek advancement, rather than waiting for a superior to notice and reward their accomplishments. Stewart (2001) suggests that networking and developing mentor relationships are excellent strategies to help women overcome barriers in the workplace. Nadler, J.K. & Nadler, L.B. (1987). Communication, gender, and organizational [sic] negotiation ability. In L. P. Stewart & S. Ting-Toomey (Eds.). Communication, gender, and sex roles in diverse interaction contexts (pp.119-134). Norwood, NJ: Ablex. Stewart, L.P. (2001). Gender issues in corporate communication. In L.P. Arliss & D.J. Borisoff (Eds.). Women and men communicating: Challenges and change [sic] (2nd ed.) (pp. 171-184). Prospect Heights, IL; Waveland. |
[page 371]
"[...] If women's rate of progress [page 372] proceeds at the present pace, women will not achieve equitable representation and pay at all management levels for another 75 to 100 years" (pp. 95-96). The second explanation relates to workplace segregation, the finding that the most frequently held managerial positions for women are in personnel and public relations—areas that typically involve little authority or power within an organization. The third explanation for the authority gap stems from cultural bias. Reskin and Padavic contend that many employers still "adhere to an informal segregation code that keeps women from supervising men and that reserves the training slots leading to higher-level jobs for men" (p. 96). Organizational communication researcher Lea Stewart (2001) adds, "Women have not reached the top of the corporate hierarchy in part because of the gender stereotype held by many corporate decision makers that women do not have the personality characteristics necessary for top leadership roles" (p. 180). This reflects the stereotypical judgment that because women are naturally affiliative and nurturing, they choose not to "rock the boat" and cannot make tough decisions that might disappoint others. To combat the gender differential in upper-level management, organizations must actively ensure that male and female employees' careers are developed with equal attention (Nadler & Nadler, 1987). Teachers, parents, and academic advisers and mentors should work with very young children to eliminate negative gender stereotypes where they begin. In addition, women should plan their careers well beforehand and proactively seek advancement, rather than waiting for a superior to notice and reward their accomplishments. Stewart (2001) suggests that networking and developing mentor relationships are excellent strategies to help women overcome barriers in the workplace. Nadler, J. K., & Nadler, L. B. (1987). Communication, gender and intraorganizational negotiation ability. In L. P. Stewart & S. Ting-Toomey (Eds.), Communication, gender, and sex roles in diverse interaction contexts (pp. 119-134). Norwood, NJ: Ablex. Reskin, B., & Padavic, I. (1994). Women and men at work. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press. Stewart, L. P. (2001). Gender issues in corporate communication. In L. P. Arliss & D. J. Borisoff (Eds.), Women and men communicating: Challenges and changes (2nd ed.) (pp. 171-184). Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland. |
The true source is not given. There is a Reskin & Padavic 2002 in the references, but no Reskin & Padavic 1994. The former is the second edition of the latter. |
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| Women who use both formal and informal channels for developing contacts, and who actively work to learn and emulate more experienced professionals, widen their options and heighten their satisfaction and comfort levels in their jobs (Hall, 2001; Sloan & Krone, 2000).
One of the most obvious factors that complicates women’s professional progress is a basic biological function – women give birth to babies. As a culture, the modern society has advanced a bit on this notion, creating more choices for families. Efforts in the 1970s and 1980s helped to loosen the constricted view that women would automatically choose home and family over careers. In the 1990s, women who could afford to sacrifice their salaries to stay home and raise young children felt freer to do so without feeling that they had violated some basic principle of women’s liberation (Ivy & Backlund, 2004). People in developed nations also witnessed in the 1990s an extensive use of flextime, a system some organizations adopt which allows workers to come and go early or late, or to work longer hours fewer days of the week, to better respond to home and family demands (Hochschild & Machung, 2002). There was also an effort to create more family friendly workplaces, a descriptor that came out when Working Mother Magazine began identifying the best places in the county [sic!] for women and mothers to work. Organizations attempted to better accommodate workers with family issues that may affect their job performance (Dubeck & Dunn, 2002). However, evidence shows that family friendly accommodations and flextime opportunities are not readily available for workers across different levels of organizations, particularly low-wage workers, even in those firms considered to be at the [top of the family friendly lists (Fennigan [sic], 2001; Holcomb, 2002).] Dubeck, P.J., & Dunn, D. (2002). Introduction to unit four: Work and family – seeking a balance. In P.J. Dubeck & D. Dunn (Eds.). Workplace/women’s place: An anthology (2nd. Ed.) (pp. 141-145). Los Angeles: Roxbury. Finnegan, A. (2001, October). The inside story: Are the 100 best as good as they say they are? Working Mother Magazine. Available: http://workingmother.com Hall, C. (2001, February 11). Mentoring crucial for new employees. The Dallas Morning News, as reported in Corpus Christi Caller Times, pp. D1, D4. Hochschild, A.R.,& Machung, A. (2002). The second shift: Working parents and the revolution at home. In P.J. Dubeck & D. Dunn (Eds.). Workplace/women’s place: An anthology (2nd. Ed.) (pp. 163-173). Los Angeles: Roxbury. Holcomb, B. (2002, Spring). Family-friendly policies. Who benefits? Ms., 102-103. Ivy, D.K., & Backlund, P. (2004). Genderspeak: Personal effectiveness in gender communication. New York: McGraw-Hill. Sloan, D.K., & Krone, K.J. (2000). Women managers and gendered values. Women’s Studies in Communication, 23, 111-130. |
[page 372]
Women who use both formal and informal channels for developing contacts, and who actively work to learn from and emulate more experienced professionals, widen their options and heighten their satisfaction and comfort levels in their jobs (Hall, 2001; Sloan & Krone, 2000). Difficult Choices: Family, Career, or Both? One of the most obvious factors complicating women's professional advancement is a basic biological function (one we explored in Chapter 2)—women give birth to babies. As a culture, we have moved a bit forward on this front, creating more choices for families. Efforts in the 1970s and 1980s helped to loosen the constricted thinking that women would automatically choose home and family over careers. In the 1990s, women who could afford to sacrifice their paychecks to stay home and raise young children felt more free to do so without feeling that they'd violated some basic tenet of women's liberation. [...] [page 373] [...] We also saw in the 1990s greater use of flextime, a system some organizations adopt which allows workers to come and go early or late, or to work longer hours fewer days of the week, to better respond to home and family demands (Hochschild & Machung, 2002). We saw an effort to create more family friendly workplaces, a descriptor that emerged when Working Mother magazine began identifying the best places in the country for women and mothers to work. Organizations attempted to better accommodate workers who had family issues that could affect their job performance (Dubeck & Dunn, 2002). However, evidence shows that family friendly accommodations and flextime opportunities are not readily available for workers across different levels of organizations, particularly low-wage workers, even in those firms deemed at the top of the family friendly lists (Finnigan, 2001; Holcomb, 2002) Dubeck, P. J., & Dunn, D. (2002). Introduction to unit four: Work and family—seeking a balance. In P. J. Dubeck & D. Dunn (Eds.), Workplace/women's place: An anthology (2nd ed.) (pp. 141-145). Los Angeles: Roxbury. Finnegan, A. (2001, October). The inside story: Are the 100 best as good as they say they are? Working Mother Magazine. Available: http://workingmother.com Hall, C. (2001, February 11). Mentoring crucial for new employees. The Dallas Morning News, as reported in Corpus Christi Caller Times, pp. Dl, D4. Hochschild, A. R., & Machung, A. (2002). The second shift: Working parents and the revolution at home. In P. J. Dubeck & D. Dunn (Eds.), Workplace/women’s place: An anthology (2nd ed.) (pp. 163-173). Los Angeles: Roxbury. Holcomb, B. (2002, Spring). Family-friendly policies: Who benefits? Ms., 102-103. Sloan, D. K., & Krone, K. J. (2000). Women managers and gendered values. Women's Studies in Communication, 23, 111-130. |
The true source is finally mentioned, albeit in passing and only for one paragraph without denoting the closeness of the text to the source. |
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| In some highly competitive workplaces, family friendly initiatives exist as mere public relations devices; the informal internal word is that employees should not actually take advantage of them (Crary, 2002).
In spite of all this awareness and important innovations, an enduring perception still exists in the minds of many: Women in the workforce just cannot be counted on over the long haul. Women are likely to want to have children at some point in their careers and that means maternity leaves, a greater potential for absenteeism, and the big possibility that they will vacate their positions in favor of staying home and raising their children (all of which costs organizations money). As feminist activist Gloria Steinem is often quoted as saying, “I have yet to hear a man ask for advice on how to combine marriage and a career” (Ivy & Backlund, 2004). Crary, D. (2002, May 12). Corporate ladder might still be more male-friendly. Associated Press Wire Service, as reported in Corpus Christi Caller Times, p.A5. Ivy, D.K., & Backlund, P. (2004). Genderspeak: Personal effectiveness in gender communication. New York: McGraw-Hill. |
[page 373]
In some highly competitive workplaces, family friendly initiatives exist as mere public relations devices; the informal internal word is that employees shouldn't actually take advantage of them (Crary, 2002). [page 374] But with all of this awareness and these important innovations, a nagging perception still exists in the minds of many: Women in the workforce just can't be counted on over the long haul. They are likely to want to have children at some point in their careers and that means maternity leaves, a greater potential for absenteeism, and the likelihood that they will vacate their positions in favor of staying home and raising their children (all of which costs organizations money). [page 376] Feminist activist Gloria Steinem is often quoted as saying, "I have yet to hear a man ask for advice on how to combine marriage and a career." Crary, D. (2002, May 12). Corporate ladder might still be more male-friendly. Associated Press Wire Service, as reported in Corpus Christi Caller Times, p. A5. |
The source is given, but the closeness of the text is not made explicit. |
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| G. Conclusion and Discussion
Reducing uncertainty and increasing predictability about communication with others are confounding tasks. Sex roles in the society have shifted dramatically. For instance, men and women alike are taking longer to marry today than in past generations. More women are entering the workforce and more men are actively involving themselves in childrearing, so that even the very basic roles such as breadwinner, homemaker, childcare-giver, and the like have changed. As these roles evolve and the rules governing people’s behavior keep changing, one may experience high uncertainty and low predictability, which results in confusion or even possibly disappointment. Biological influences affect one’s view of self. Social influences, as well as one’s own attitudes about the appropriate roles that others should take in society, shape one’s view of self. Based on these biological and social influences, one forms a psychological response – the gender identity – which is expressed in one’s communication with others. Developing personal effectiveness in gender communication starts with introspection – with a long, hard look at one’s self in terms of sex and gender identity. As one starts to understand more about the influences of gender on the communication process, one’s [identity may begin to change, while another may become more comfortable with the current view of self, so that it becomes solid.] |
[page 43]
Reducing uncertainty and increasing predictability about communication with others are perplexing tasks. Sex roles in our society have shifted dramatically. For example, men and women alike are taking longer to marry today than in past generations. More women are entering the workforce and more men are actively involving themselves in childrearing, so that even the very basic roles such as breadwinner, homemaker, childcare-giver and the like have changed. As these roles evolve and the rules governing people's behavior fall by the societal wayside, you may experience high uncertainty, low predictability, and resulting confusion, possibly even disillusionment. [page 88] Conclusion [...] Biological influences discussed in this chapter affect your view of self. Social influences, as well as your own attitudes about appropriate roles for others to assume in society, shape your view of self. Out of these biological and social influences, you form a psychological response—your gender identity—which is expressed in your communication with others. Developing personal effectiveness in gender communication starts with introspection—with a long, hard look at yourself in terms of your sex and your gender identity. As you learn more about the effects of gender on the communication process, your identity may begin to change. Or you may become more comfortable with your current view of self, so that it solidifies. |
The true source for this portion of the conclusions and discussion is not given. |
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| Literature reviewed in Chapter 3 also revealed that overall, bosses rated male and female managers equal in effectiveness; however, colleagues rated women slightly higher than men. Male managers were perceived as having more of a vision of strategic planning and organization, having a greater sense of tradition (building on knowledge gained from experience), being innovative and willing to take risks, and being more restrained and professional in terms of emotional expression. They were also seen as better delegates, more cooperative, and more persuasive than female managers. On the other hand, female managers were perceived as being more empathetic, being more energetic and enthusiastic, being better communicators (e.g., keeping people informed, providing feedback), and possessing more “people skills” (e.g., sensitivity to others, likeability, listening ability, development of relationships with peers and superiors) than their male counterparts. However, they were not perceived as being more outgoing or extroverted or more cooperative as leaders (Kabacoff, 1998).
Kabacoff, R.I. (1998). Gender difference in organizational leadership: A large sample study. Paper presented at the meeting of the American Psychological Association, San Francisco, CA. |
[...] (Kabacoff, 1998)
In general, bosses rated male and female managers equal in effectiveness; however, peers rated women slightly higher than men. Specifically, the following points emerged from this study: (1) Male managers were perceived as having more of a vision of strategic planning and organization, having a greater sense of tradition (building on knowledge gained from experience), being innovative and willing to take risks, and being more restrained and professional in terms of emotional expression. They were also seen as better delegators, more cooperative, and more persuasive than female managers. (2) Female managers were perceived as being more empathic, being more energetic and enthusiastic, being better communicators (e.g., keeping people informed, providing feedback), and possessing more "people skills" (e.g., sensitivity to others, likability, listening ability, development of relationships with peers and superiors) than their male counterparts. However, they were not perceived as being more outgoing or extroverted, or more cooperative as leaders. Kabacoff, R. I. (1998). Gender difference in organizational leadership: A large sample study. Paper presented at the meeting of the American Psychological Association, San Francisco, CA. |
The true source is not given. |
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| Chapter 3 also explained the five types of theories of gender identity development: Social learning theory—children learn gender-related behavior from their social contacts, primarily their parents and peers; cognitive development theory— children socialize themselves into feminine or masculine identities as they progress through various stages of mental ability; gender schema theory—once children learn appropriate cultural definitions of gender, these definitions become key structures around which all other information is organized; Gilligan’s gender identity development theory—the core of gender identity development rests within the mother-child relationship, it involves the development of connectedness in girls and autonomy in boys; and gender transcendence and androgyny—a rejection of traditional identities (masculine or feminine), an integration of feminine and masculine selves into a self-defined gender identity. | Remember ...
Gender Identity Development: The way one develops one's gender, with regard for feminine traits, masculine traits, or a blend of both. Social Learning Theory: Children learn gender-related behavior from their social contacts, primarily their parents and peers. Cognitive Development Theory: Children socialize themselves into feminine or masculine identities as they progress through various stages of mental ability. Gender Schema Theory: Once children learn appropriate cultural definitions of gender, these definitions become key structures around which all other information is organized. Gilligan's Gender Identity Theory: The core of gender identity development rests within the mother-child relationship; it involves the development of connectedness in girls and autonomy in boys. Gender Transcendence: A rejection of traditional gender identities (masculine or feminine); an integration of feminine and masculine selves into a self-defined gender identity. |
The source is not given. |
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| As mentioned in the previous chapter, in 1991 the U.S. Federal Glass Ceiling Commission (Martin, 1991, p.2) concluded that some factors that contributed to the barrier for female and minority advancement included:
1. Corporate lack of attention to equal opportunity principles, such as monitoring the progress and development, as well as compensation patterns, for all employees; 2. Discriminatory placement patterns; 3. Inadequate record keeping; 4. Internal recruitment practices that maintain white male-dominated networks; and 5. A lack of EEOC (Equal Employment Opportunity Commission) involvement in the hiring processes for middle and upper-level management positions. |
[page 370]
As a result of this study, Martin (1991) issued the following challenge: “The glass ceiling, where it exists, hinders not only individuals but society as a whole. It effectively cuts our pool of potential corporate leaders by eliminating over one-half of our population. If our end game is to [page 371] compete successfully in today's global market, then we have to unleash the full potential of the American work force. The time has come to tear down, to dismantle the 'Glass Ceiling' " (p. 2). Some factors contributing to the barrier for female and minority advancement include the following: 1. Corporate lack of attention to equal opportunity principles, such as monitoring the progress and development, as well as compensation patterns, for all employees. 2. Discriminatory placement patterns. 3. Inadequate record keeping. 4. Internal recruitment practices that maintain white male-dominated networks. 5. A lack of EEOC (Equal Employment Opportunity Commission) involvement in the hiring processes for middle- and upper-level management positions. |
This fragment is not actually to be found in the source given [3], but in Ivy & Backlund 2004. It is an extract of the text documented at Dsi/Fragment 098 01. |
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